Thursday, 10 May 2012

Little Mosque Big Message


The article by Canas (2008) discusses an important topic surrounding the representation of Arabs and Muslims within western media. Canas (2008) acknowledge previous representations of Muslims as inferior, violent exotic stereotypes and aims to dismiss the ‘orientalist’ perspective through which they are often cast. Canas (2008) aims to conceptualise this through assessing the relative representations of religious existence and integration which are portrayed within the television series ‘Little mosque on the prairie’. The series, Little mosque on the prairie, aims to engage western viewers both humorously and informatively through selectively exposing aspects of Muslim tradition and lifestyle in on-screen representations. Canas (2008) identifies these challenges which are faced through Muslim-western social and religious integration.

The series represents a counter-hegemonic narrative in an effort to relate stereotypes and prejudices encountered within Muslim and Islamic communities whilst relating to a wester-based environment (Canas 2008). The series explores the limits of multiculturalism and emphasises the complexity of diversity providing a unique perspective on what would often assumed as ‘western issues’ but providing contrast through eastern traditions and practices. This approach allows for a unique insight into Muslim lifestyle and promotes cross-cultural understanding and religious tolerance through satire and mimicry. Despite this representation of assimilation, Canas (2008) identifies the limitations of the show extend towards the political aspects surrounding religious belief. Through this omittance, it can be assumed the primary focus would be a greater basis upon stable community-religious issues rather more volatile and changing politico-religious issues.




References:
CaƱas S. 2008. The Little Mosque On the Prairie: Examining (Multi) Cultural Spaces of Nation and Religion. Cultural Dynamics, 20, 195-211. (RL).

Thoughts on Exposure


As I sit here this late night and think about the degree of influence which religious organisations have developed I find it almost unavoidable to think about the Catholic Church. It is hard to imagine a religious institution which could match the level of social and individual influence the Catholic Church has developed and expanded to a global scale. Undoubtedly this is mainly based upon the age of the institution, as with time comes growth and with growth comes power and influence. It becomes very difficult for smaller lesser religions to realise such an influence overnight, and increasingly difficult for them to gain any influence without exposure (read media) as it would appear the Catholic Church has achieved in its absence. But then again I am reminded that I am studying course about religion and MEDIA and become drawn to Pentecostal Christianity as the poster child for media-associated religious influence. Despite its lacking in age (by comparison) it is evident that Pentecostal Christianity has expanded globally riding upon the back of film, television, print and internet media source. This provides an interesting contrast, because in one corner we have institutions such as the Catholic Church, which have power and influence over individuals beyond proportions yet have almost no media affiliation or could not be considered a media-centric religion. Yet in the other corner we have Pentecostal Christianity, which in some instances is almost entirely media driven and whilst not possessing the influence of the Catholic Church, still has managed to branch out throughout corporations and political establishments. It is clear that religion has therefore adopted a ‘survival of the fittest’ mentality, whereby in the absence of time (as was afforded base religions such as Catholicism) adaptations are needed to grow, prosper and realise influence. For arguments sake, if a religious institution such as Catholicism were to effectively ‘reboot’ themselves in a modern sense and aim to progress to the level as  they have and avoid or minimise media usage, their degree of influence gained throw followers would be minimalist at best.

Monday, 7 May 2012

Religious Portrayals

For this discussion I wanted to look at the depiction of religious individuals, mainly Jews, Muslims and Catholics within film and television. I think with all three religions, their portrayals are often closely associated with orthodox belief. When you see a religious individual in a film or on TV how can you tell that they are religious? Often in their more appropriate portrayals one religious person is indistinguishable from another. Unfortunately you cannot distinguish the indistinguishable within film and TV, so they seek out more visual aids of recognition. So we often see a Jewish person wearing a yarmulke in orthodox dressage and Muslim’s conducting prayer or wearing hijabs, kufi’s or other religious adornments. With Catholics it is a little different. In most cases we might see a symbolic cross around one’s neck or even holy gestures to symbolise Catholicism. Having such visual displays is all well and good, because it serves a purpose within film and television to show ones commitment and belonging to a respective group, however we might consider such generic representations as even misrepresentations. Because of their orthodox basis they marginalise all other forms of the said religions, as all Jews do not wear yarmulkes, all Muslims do not wear kufi’s and hijabs and all Catholics do not perform the hail Mary. Then again short of a character actually professing their belief on screen, there is almost no way to distinguish religious participation without these visual aids, so for the meantime as religious identity is needed on film and television, generic representations may have to suffice.

Monday, 23 April 2012

Always-On Religion

Cheong (2010) adapts the ancient notion of sacred connectedness to the modern format of Twitter and online messaging through which the messages and ‘Tweets’ act as a form of sacred ritual, through which prayer, religious identification, faith and sacred presence are facilitated. Cheong (2010) claims this rise in microblogging nurtures piety, and develops continuous prayer through which religious adherents utilize to maintain spiritual connections in an online realm.

This adaptation of faith can be seen as an extension upon two levels. Initially, the extension of the telephone upon the conversation allowed for proclamations of faith, religious interaction and long-distance prayer when face-to-face conversations were not permitted. The extension of Twitter (and the internet in general) upon the telephone allows for further interaction when conversation may not be available, or necessarily wanted. The expansion of prayer upon Twitter is considered far more powerful than mere conversation, as the multitude of followers become interacted with instantly and the poster is effectively addressing a congregation in a sense. This was otherwise unavailable through talking via person or phone and allows for a far greater sense of spirituality as through the online posts, the individual becomes centered and is addressing the masses so to speak, in often times when the individual lacks the congregational ascension and would not be positioned to do so. 

Cheong (2010) describes this as maintaining a “connected presence” through both connections to the individual and in times the Church. This allows for an “always on” mentality where a connection is always a click away, announcements are real time and mechanisms for responding are in place (Cheong, 2010). This builds upon the idea of the individual addressing the masses. It allows for an open forum whereby the individual is addressed and can address, which develops a sense of connectedness and spiritual elevation. This is felt within all, not just those who post comments, if an individual declines to post, they are still bound by the same feelings of connectedness through the “instant” connection of the internet. They become informed, kept up to date on events and announcements which elicit feelings of spiritual importance, often to a greater level than those found within weekly congregational attendance (Cheong, 2010). 

References:
Cheong PH. 2010. Faith Tweets: Ambient Religious Communication and Microblogging rituals. M/C Journal: A Journal of Media and Culture.
http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/223

Self Worship


I wanted to touch on the whole ‘online’ aspect of religion as the question “how are religions affected by going online” brought back memories an issue which I encountered several years ago in a similar essay. I think there are both positives and negatives as to how religions branching into the online realm can ultimately impact upon the individual. I remember reading about how certain religions (mainly Christian) now have online streaming and access to all church services and prayers, allowing someone (presumably unable to attend) to sit at home or wherever remotely and effectively participate in the congregation. Now don’t get me wrong this is a great alternative when people are otherwise unable to attend, however I think as long as it’s not utilized as a permanent alternative to attendance then there should be no issues in the short term. Once a transition is made where online religion becomes the primary form of worship, then issues can be raised with respect to sense of place and spiritual connection. It is arguable that someone sitting within a room staring at a screen will experience the same level of connection and detachment that someone within a holy place amongst a like minded community will. The sense of place and belonging becomes removed and mechanical, and in turn the sense of religiosity becomes dulled. But in saying that, the sense of setting and place are removed in online religiosity, but when one considers ancient spiritualist practices which occurred primarily in the home around small alters or rooms dedicated to worship, could this not extend to online religiosity? I think that if one was to amalgamate the idea of home-based worship and online worship into one, where the “computer room” or study was converted to a shrine/temple/church with all the trimmings and sensory inputs afforded to a normal place of worship, this may possible become a viable form of online long-term worship. There is absence of sense of community, so it would be interesting to see the effects of long-term worship on an individual level, as opposed to that of the collective.

Spirituality in Glastonbury


The article by Bowman (2012) assesses nature of religious and spiritual practices as a tangible commodity. Bowman (2012) analyses how the transaction of religious practices and the cross-participation through religious sharing and how this impacts and reinforces senses of religiosity within the individual. It is important that the role of identity is mentioned and its relationship with the commodification of spirituality. Bowman (2012) allows for the construction of spiritual identity and the affirmation of religious community through such “spiritual research”. By branching out ones spirituality and religious convictions, and experiencing that of the other, in most instances the home religion becomes deeper engrained within.
Bowman (2012) then describes research on religiosity within Glastonbury. Glastonbury is identified as possessing a “spiritual economy” whereby beliefs, practices, goods and services are all instilled with an economic value, almost unique to the location. A sense of continuity within the religious change occurring with Glastonbury is identified, that though the individual’s spirituality structure may be considered as evolutionary, their underlying ideologies are often share similarities (Bowman, 2012). Bowman (2012) concludes by the identification of an informal sense of community which has developed within Glastonbury, despite religious quests often being for individual gain. Bowman (2012) dictates that “parallel clusters of consumption” aid in helping the individual feel at home in the religious sea that is Glastonbury. It is claimed that this is enforced through the collective intent towards spiritual fulfilment and understanding which is present. Despite the differences in belief, the collective goal for what is essentially universal allows for the development of a multi-spiritualistic community through this common ground.
References:
Bowman M. 2012. Understanding Glastonbury as a Site of Consumption. In Lynch G. and J. Mitchell with A. Strhan. Eds., Religion, Media and Culture: A Reader. 11-22. London and New York: Routledge.

Sunday, 15 April 2012

cRapitalism


When one considers the divergence in lyrical context found by comparing modern and ‘early’ rap music it is hard to avoid making mention of such names as Tupac and Biggie Smalls. Both existed in a time where the commodification and commercialisation of rap and its artists was albeit nonexistent. Their lyrics were raw, explicit and context driven, often drawing from personal perspectives and experiences in an effective storytelling fashion. There was a drive towards promoting ones trials and tribulations through rap and allowing all who heard to experience and understand such issues from the point of view of the artist. It would appear that through the commercialisation of rap music, such an aim is longer evident within the lyrics. It seems as though there is rendition after rendition, collaboration upon collaboration within the industry resulting in a flood of so called ‘rap music’, all which is effectively a desperate all in cash grab with a hope to capitalise on consumer want. The push is no longer there to express oneself through rap lyrics, the storytelling aspect is non-existent. All that we have now is the rush to promote the newest hit, gain the favour of the masses and line ones pocket as deep as possible.