Always-On Religion

Cheong (2010) adapts the ancient notion of sacred connectedness to the modern format of Twitter and online messaging through which the messages and ‘Tweets’ act as a form of sacred ritual, through which prayer, religious identification, faith and sacred presence are facilitated. Cheong (2010) claims this rise in microblogging nurtures piety, and develops continuous prayer through which religious adherents utilize to maintain spiritual connections in an online realm.

This adaptation of faith can be seen as an extension upon two levels. Initially, the extension of the telephone upon the conversation allowed for proclamations of faith, religious interaction and long-distance prayer when face-to-face conversations were not permitted. The extension of Twitter (and the internet in general) upon the telephone allows for further interaction when conversation may not be available, or necessarily wanted. The expansion of prayer upon Twitter is considered far more powerful than mere conversation, as the multitude of followers become interacted with instantly and the poster is effectively addressing a congregation in a sense. This was otherwise unavailable through talking via person or phone and allows for a far greater sense of spirituality as through the online posts, the individual becomes centered and is addressing the masses so to speak, in often times when the individual lacks the congregational ascension and would not be positioned to do so. 

Cheong (2010) describes this as maintaining a “connected presence” through both connections to the individual and in times the Church. This allows for an “always on” mentality where a connection is always a click away, announcements are real time and mechanisms for responding are in place (Cheong, 2010). This builds upon the idea of the individual addressing the masses. It allows for an open forum whereby the individual is addressed and can address, which develops a sense of connectedness and spiritual elevation. This is felt within all, not just those who post comments, if an individual declines to post, they are still bound by the same feelings of connectedness through the “instant” connection of the internet. They become informed, kept up to date on events and announcements which elicit feelings of spiritual importance, often to a greater level than those found within weekly congregational attendance (Cheong, 2010). 

References:

Cheong PH. 2010. Faith Tweets: Ambient Religious Communication and Microblogging rituals. M/C Journal: A Journal of Media and Culture.

http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/223

Self Worship

I wanted to touch on the whole ‘online’ aspect of religion as the question “how are religions affected by going online” brought back memories an issue which I encountered several years ago in a similar essay. I think there are both positives and negatives as to how religions branching into the online realm can ultimately impact upon the individual. I remember reading about how certain religions (mainly Christian) now have online streaming and access to all church services and prayers, allowing someone (presumably unable to attend) to sit at home or wherever remotely and effectively participate in the congregation. Now don’t get me wrong this is a great alternative when people are otherwise unable to attend, however I think as long as it’s not utilized as a permanent alternative to attendance then there should be no issues in the short term. Once a transition is made where online religion becomes the primary form of worship, then issues can be raised with respect to sense of place and spiritual connection. It is arguable that someone sitting within a room staring at a screen will experience the same level of connection and detachment that someone within a holy place amongst a like minded community will. The sense of place and belonging becomes removed and mechanical, and in turn the sense of religiosity becomes dulled. But in saying that, the sense of setting and place are removed in online religiosity, but when one considers ancient spiritualist practices which occurred primarily in the home around small alters or rooms dedicated to worship, could this not extend to online religiosity? I think that if one was to amalgamate the idea of home-based worship and online worship into one, where the “computer room” or study was converted to a shrine/temple/church with all the trimmings and sensory inputs afforded to a normal place of worship, this may possible become a viable form of online long-term worship. There is absence of sense of community, so it would be interesting to see the effects of long-term worship on an individual level, as opposed to that of the collective.

Spirituality in Glastonbury

The article by Bowman (2012) assesses nature of religious and spiritual practices as a tangible commodity. Bowman (2012) analyses how the transaction of religious practices and the cross-participation through religious sharing and how this impacts and reinforces senses of religiosity within the individual. It is important that the role of identity is mentioned and its relationship with the commodification of spirituality. Bowman (2012) allows for the construction of spiritual identity and the affirmation of religious community through such “spiritual research”. By branching out ones spirituality and religious convictions, and experiencing that of the other, in most instances the home religion becomes deeper engrained within.

Bowman (2012) then describes research on religiosity within Glastonbury. Glastonbury is identified as possessing a “spiritual economy” whereby beliefs, practices, goods and services are all instilled with an economic value, almost unique to the location. A sense of continuity within the religious change occurring with Glastonbury is identified, that though the individual’s spirituality structure may be considered as evolutionary, their underlying ideologies are often share similarities (Bowman, 2012). Bowman (2012) concludes by the identification of an informal sense of community which has developed within Glastonbury, despite religious quests often being for individual gain. Bowman (2012) dictates that “parallel clusters of consumption” aid in helping the individual feel at home in the religious sea that is Glastonbury. It is claimed that this is enforced through the collective intent towards spiritual fulfilment and understanding which is present. Despite the differences in belief, the collective goal for what is essentially universal allows for the development of a multi-spiritualistic community through this common ground.

References:

Bowman M. 2012. Understanding Glastonbury as a Site of Consumption. In Lynch G. and J. Mitchell with A. Strhan. Eds., Religion, Media and Culture: A Reader. 11-22. London and New York: Routledge.

cRapitalism

When one considers the divergence in lyrical context found by comparing modern and ‘early’ rap music it is hard to avoid making mention of such names as Tupac and Biggie Smalls. Both existed in a time where the commodification and commercialisation of rap and its artists was albeit nonexistent. Their lyrics were raw, explicit and context driven, often drawing from personal perspectives and experiences in an effective storytelling fashion. There was a drive towards promoting ones trials and tribulations through rap and allowing all who heard to experience and understand such issues from the point of view of the artist. It would appear that through the commercialisation of rap music, such an aim is longer evident within the lyrics. It seems as though there is rendition after rendition, collaboration upon collaboration within the industry resulting in a flood of so called ‘rap music’, all which is effectively a desperate all in cash grab with a hope to capitalise on consumer want. The push is no longer there to express oneself through rap lyrics, the storytelling aspect is non-existent. All that we have now is the rush to promote the newest hit, gain the favour of the masses and line ones pocket as deep as possible.

Dub, Bass and Rhythmic Transcendence

Partridge (2012) identifies the non-cognitive dimension of music as an undervalued and understudied relationship existing between popular music and religiosity. The article acknowledges the bias towards content analysis of musical lyrics and the dimension of the musician and their respective religious and ethical influences yet outlines the absence of evaluating music and its relationship between, what the author identifies as, effective space. The author focuses upon the aural component of music and how emotions, feelings and states can be elicited through simple listening, dancing and outward and inward acknowledgements of the song (Partridge 2012).

Partridge (2012) uses dub and bass as examples of how emotional and psychological states can become enhanced through the progressive rhythmic enchanting state of musical repetition. Partridge states in relation to dub, “The use of echo on the offbeat, it would appear, opens up spaces that encourage states of mind very similar to those induced by cannabis use” (Partridge 2012). The emphasis upon the particular “weight” of the bass within the bass style becomes relative to meaning making and allows for elevation above mere aural pleasure to a state which is spiritually meaningful (Partridge 2012).. The article identifies directly the power in which music, particularly in its purely aural capacity, can hold upon the individual and the ability for the sound alone, in the absence of meaningful lyrics, to invoke powerful emotional responses. It is these emotional responses which become significant in a spiritualist context whereby the music invokes the emotional response through which the emotions lead to a transcendent state and through this musically induced state the other is experienced.

Partridge C. 2012. Popular Music, Affective Space and Meaning. In Lynch G. and J. Mitchell with A. StrhanEds., Religion, Media and Culture: A Reader. 182-193. London and New York: Routledge.