Just wanted to put a quick post up about a study I
stumbled across the other day when educating myself about TV’s latest spotlight
cult – The Exclusive Brethren. I started reading about them a few weeks ago after
ACA’s latest attack on their so called ‘migration’ into suburban Melbourne. The
study was done by Gary Bouma – who I’m sure we are all familiar with by now. Its
only really centred around marriage and divorce statistics but shows that
despite the medias ‘demonization’ of the so called ‘cult of the Exclusive Brethren’
marriage and divorce rates within the Brethren community remain at rates far
greater than that of general society. I guess it’s just another example of how media
can wholly focus upon one aspect of a religion, whilst at the same time sidelining
another.
The article by Underwood (2002) aims to challenge
and critique the contemporary view of the religious reporter and assess the
nature of the state of religious participation within the individual and the
corresponding relationship with professional reporting. Underwood (2002) identifies
a lacking in studies conducted to gauge religiosity within reporters, citing
religious interests were quantified statistically yet the relationship between religious
belief and reporting influence remained notably unqualified. This is of
significance as it provides grounds for questioning how religious influence
within the reporter shapes reporting styles whether through conscious or
subconscious means. Underwood (2002) proposes a direct link between reporting
method and religious undertones, and contrasts this belief with public
perception towards reporting and religious influence. The paper suggests a
selective re-evaluation of the societal belief that religious reporting and journalistic
intent is hostile. The paper dissects the lines between reporting sympathy in
relation to religious events and conversely embracing the religious nature of
the reporting style. Underwood (2002) shows that a complicated relationship is
present between most aspects of journalistic reporting and relative religious influences
which, in varying degrees of visibility, impact upon reporting style.
References:
Underwood D.
2002. I will show you my faith by what I do. a survey of the religious beliefs
of journalists and journalists' faith put into action. In From
Yahweh to Yahoo! the religious roots of the secular press, Urbana and Chicago:
University of Illinois Press, 2002, chapter 9, pp. 130-147,
When I think about the transcendent states
experienced by sports fans and players I think back to the spiritualistic
component surrounding devotees of parkour training. When you get to the stage
where you are training day in day out, at peak physical levels, you become so
consumed in the concentration of the training that a sense of spiritual
awakening is developed. Through this, a profane action such as
running/jumping/flipping, becomes transformed into a meaningful, spiritual
ritual. The training has evolved into more than its intended function, when the
individual participates in the ritual (i.e. parkour) it is as though they have
transferred the repetitive nature of a sporting practice into a rhythmic means
of spiritual transcendence. Of course with parkour there are no fans in the
sense that there are with major sports such as soccer and rugby league. A
perfect example of a transcendent-like frenzy being incited within sports fans
is seen pretty much at any soccer (football) match throughout England and the
UK. We see the crowds divided based upon team, we see highs and lows of their
worship states. Group chanting and singing, as well as the consumption of mind altering
substances all in an attempt to show devotion to their respective team (God).
You might think that all that is just a veiled way of depicting a drunken
soccer lout and you would probably be right, but there is a degree of
transcendence about attending an English soccer match. No doubt if you polled a
group of individuals from the UK as to their religious commitments and football
was an option there would be an over abundance of proclaimed belonging.
In building on my previous post about the influence
in which religious institutions hold over the general public, we must now think
about how / what level of influence then the general public might be afforded.
We might think the general public dictates major media outlets such as
television or print media, mainly because mass media outlets shape stories and
media relations in the interest of public opinion, however this is seemingly
not the case. The choice of the few to appeal to the many cannot be considered
as being controlled by the masses, as one might argue that public opinion is
controlled by the media. So when the opinion is controlled through the media,
yet it becomes is presented as convincingly requested by the masses, this sort
of counter deception gives the image of free choice and the media shaping to
public appeal, yet when public appeal dictated by the media this notion of free
choice and influence becomes nullified. I don’t think any major outlets will
appear to contain any degree of public influence primarily due to these
factors. Despite this, the internet has become a gateway for the opinions of
the public to be readily available for all to view. Citizen journalisms through
blogging or independent online articles allows for the abolishment of mass
appeal which is found in mass media sources. The smokescreen of media influence
becomes lifted and the opinion of the individual becomes available (and debated,
i.e. forums) openly. Through these means, the general public can gain influence
which in certain times is far greater than that available to mass media
sources.
The article by Canas (2008) discusses an important
topic surrounding the representation of Arabs and Muslims within western media.
Canas (2008) acknowledge previous representations of Muslims as inferior,
violent exotic stereotypes and aims to dismiss the ‘orientalist’ perspective
through which they are often cast. Canas (2008) aims to conceptualise this
through assessing the relative representations of religious existence and
integration which are portrayed within the television series ‘Little mosque on the prairie’. The
series, Little mosque on the prairie,
aims to engage western viewers both humorously and informatively through selectively
exposing aspects of Muslim tradition and lifestyle in on-screen
representations. Canas (2008) identifies these challenges which are faced
through Muslim-western social and religious integration.
The series represents a counter-hegemonic narrative
in an effort to relate stereotypes and prejudices encountered within Muslim and
Islamic communities whilst relating to a wester-based environment (Canas 2008).
The series explores the limits of multiculturalism and emphasises the
complexity of diversity providing a unique perspective on what would often
assumed as ‘western issues’ but providing contrast through eastern traditions
and practices. This approach allows for a unique insight into Muslim lifestyle
and promotes cross-cultural understanding and religious tolerance through
satire and mimicry. Despite this representation of assimilation, Canas (2008)
identifies the limitations of the show extend towards the political aspects surrounding
religious belief. Through this omittance, it can be assumed the primary focus
would be a greater basis upon stable community-religious issues rather more
volatile and changing politico-religious issues.
References:
Cañas
S. 2008. The Little Mosque On the Prairie: Examining (Multi) Cultural
Spaces of Nation and Religion. Cultural Dynamics, 20, 195-211.
(RL).
As I sit here this late night and think about the
degree of influence which religious organisations have developed I find it
almost unavoidable to think about the Catholic Church. It is hard to imagine a religious
institution which could match the level of social and individual influence the
Catholic Church has developed and expanded to a global scale. Undoubtedly this
is mainly based upon the age of the institution, as with time comes growth and
with growth comes power and influence. It becomes very difficult for smaller
lesser religions to realise such an influence overnight, and increasingly
difficult for them to gain any influence without exposure (read media) as it
would appear the Catholic Church has achieved in its absence. But then again I
am reminded that I am studying course about religion and MEDIA and become drawn
to Pentecostal Christianity as the poster child for media-associated religious
influence. Despite its lacking in age (by comparison) it is evident that Pentecostal
Christianity has expanded globally riding upon the back of film, television, print
and internet media source. This provides an interesting contrast, because in
one corner we have institutions such as the Catholic Church, which have power
and influence over individuals beyond proportions yet have almost no media
affiliation or could not be considered a media-centric religion. Yet in the
other corner we have Pentecostal Christianity, which in some instances is
almost entirely media driven and whilst not possessing the influence of the
Catholic Church, still has managed to branch out throughout corporations and
political establishments. It is clear that religion has therefore adopted a ‘survival
of the fittest’ mentality, whereby in the absence of time (as was afforded base
religions such as Catholicism) adaptations are needed to grow, prosper and
realise influence. For arguments sake, if a religious institution such as Catholicism
were to effectively ‘reboot’ themselves in a modern sense and aim to progress
to the level asthey have and avoid or
minimise media usage, their degree of influence gained throw followers would be
minimalist at best.
For this discussion I wanted to look at the
depiction of religious individuals, mainly Jews, Muslims and Catholics within film
and television. I think with all three religions, their portrayals are often
closely associated with orthodox belief. When you see a religious individual in
a film or on TV how can you tell that they are religious? Often in their more appropriate
portrayals one religious person is indistinguishable from another.
Unfortunately you cannot distinguish the indistinguishable within film and TV,
so they seek out more visual aids of recognition. So we often see a Jewish
person wearing a yarmulke in orthodox dressage and Muslim’s conducting prayer
or wearing hijabs, kufi’s or other religious adornments. With Catholics it is a
little different. In most cases we might see a symbolic cross around one’s neck
or even holy gestures to symbolise Catholicism. Having such visual displays is
all well and good, because it serves a purpose within film and television to show
ones commitment and belonging to a respective group, however we might consider
such generic representations as even misrepresentations. Because of their orthodox
basis they marginalise all other forms of the said religions, as all Jews do
not wear yarmulkes, all Muslims do not wear kufi’s and hijabs and all Catholics
do not perform the hail Mary. Then again short of a character actually
professing their belief on screen, there is almost no way to distinguish
religious participation without these visual aids, so for the meantime as religious
identity is needed on film and television, generic representations may have to
suffice.
